These three, with Ian playing guitar, became the new-look Skrewdriver at the end of However, a fourth member, Mark Neeson, joined the band soon after as guitarist. Neeson, known to all and sundry as Lester, had answered Skrewdriver's advertisement for a guitarist and passed the audition with flying colours.
The new four-piece Skrewdriver began to rehearse regularly and pretty soon Ian Stuart was sure the band were ready both for live dates and for recording sessions. Skrewdriver were back in business!
Mickey French, the proprietor of the Last Resort not to be confused with the group's bassist Mark French , kept his word that he would help Skrewdriver if they reformed. In fact, most emphatically, Back With A Bang was the perfect title for Skrewdriver's first record release for more than two years. The single hit the independent record charts and even elements in the music press were compelled to comment on the title track's powerful riff.
Skrewdriver were indeed back with a bang! Neither had Ian Stuart and the band betrayed their patriotic principles in their bid for success. On the contrary, the lyrics of Back With A Bang are about the media's efforts to smear and smash the skinhead movement. In fact, in words more calculated and candid than any other Skrewdriver song up until then, Ian Stuart's vocals spit both venom and defiance at the music media; venom because the lyrics make it patently obvious that Skrewdriver hadn't forgotten nor forgiven the press for the way they'd been treated in the past, and defiance because they make it equally obvious that the media had failed in their efforts to destroy either Skrewdriver or the skinhead movement.
On other feature of Back With A Bang's lyrics is also noteworthy, and that's the latent Nationalism which bubbles under the surface without ever boiling over into overt support for Racial Nationalist parties like the National Front.
An example of this latent Nationalism is illustrated in these two lines from the song:. In lines such as this from Back With A Bang Ian Stuart was daring to expand the frontiers of Skrewdriver's music into uncharted political waters which would make them even more persona non grata with their old enemies in the media.
The flip side of the single, on the other hand, was far less controversial. The decision to re-record this old Skrewdriver song was made at the behest of Mickey and Margaret at the Last Resort. They convinced Ian Stuart and the rest of the group that a whole new skinhead scene had emerged in the four-and-a-half years since All Skrewed Up was first released.
Many of these new skinheads couldn't get hold of earlier Skrewdriver material and re-releasing some of the old songs would be one way of letting the new wave of young skinheads enjoy the music their predecessors had enjoyed before them. I Don't Like You was singled out for re-recording because it was one of the most popular tracks from the All Skrewed Up l.
The words 'fast and furious' should be singled out for special attention because they describe the overall sound of the two tracks on the comeback single.
In short, the come-back twelve-inch single signalled a reversion to the punk sound of the very early Skrewdriver and a departure from the heavy rock riffs which epitomised the sound on the Built Up, Knocked Down e. Following the success of the Back With A Bang twelve-inch, Skrewdriver once more found themselves in great demand. This being so, it was scarcely surprising when Mickey French offered the group top-billing on the skinhead compilation album, United Skins.
This album, which was also released on the Last Resort's own label, included many new skinhead bands. Some of them were good, some were bad, but all subsequently sank into oblivion - all that is, except Skrewdriver, a further testament to the band's endurance and class.
Skrewdriver laid down two tracks for the United Skins l. Again, as with the BB twelve-inch, one was a new song while the other was and old favourite. The old favourite was the skinhead anthem, Anti-Social, a re-working of which appeared on United Skins 'by popular demand'.
However, Ian Stuart remembers the choice of Anti-Social with mixed feelings: "It was always a popular song for some reason.
God knows why! A lot of people like it but I can't stand it myself. To put it bluntly, he'd played the song live so many times that the mere mention of it sickened him. Nonetheless, and mindful of the opinions of others, Ian bowed down to demand, accepting begrudgingly that Anti was still immensely popular. The new track on the United Skins album was Boots And Braces, a song in the same mould as Back With A Bang with angry lyrics spitting venom at those who seek to stereotype skinheads as troublemakers: 'We always take the blame..
Whilst it is refreshing to experience Ian Stuart's modesty and unbiased attitude towards his own songs, and whilst self-criticism is doubtless a virtue, I still feel his criticism of the songs on United Skins somewhat harsh. Firstly, the true quality of both tracks can be gauged by comparing them with the rest of the tracks by other bands on the album.
When this is done it becomes patently obvious that Skrewdriver stand head and shoulders above any competition from rival skinhead bands around at the time.
They were quite simply in a class of their own. Secondly, Boots And Braces rates alongside the best that Skrewdriver has ever produced. Not the best perhaps, but amongst the best. That, at least, is my opinion and it is an opinion, which I know is shared by many other Skrewdriver aficionados. To continue on this tangent for a while longer, and putting on my amateur psychologist's cloak, I believe the real reason for Ian's attitude to Boots And Braces can be gleaned from his own words: "it's a very basic tune and boring to play".
As far as Ian is concerned Boots And Braces should be re-titled "Base and Boring" because, as we've discussed earlier, his real roots are in rock and the type of music Skrewdriver were playing in was not, as far as he was concerned, the type of rock he wanted to play. Anti-Social and Boots And Braces were too simple, too basic. Oi music and punk were too simple and too basic.
He wanted to branch out towards the heavier rock he and the previous Skrewdriver line-up had experimented with successfully in Manchester. In short, he wanted a challenge which punk and Oi! Removing my psychologist's cloak and returning to the central theme of our story, it seems that certain elements in the music press agreed with me about the excellent quality of tracks like Boots And Braces. In the early months of Skrewdriver were packing in the crowds at both the Club in Oxford Street and Skunx in Islington.
It was at one of these live dates at the Club that certain political remarks made by Ian Stuart from the stage destroyed any lingering doubts which still 'hovered' about where the band stood. They were Racial Nationalists and proud of it! And, what was more, they were no longer prepared to hide the fact Ian Stuart takes up the story: "The press slagged us off for coming out with 'ultra-nationalistic' comments from the stage.
They called out audience 'morons'. In the end I just got fed up. It was obvious they were never going to praise us for anything, and in any case I couldn't see anything wrong with being a Nationalist, it was natural to me. That's when we thought we might as well go the whole way.
In practice, 'going the whole way' meant meeting me to discuss the organising of Rock Against Communism concerts and the possibility of setting up an independent record label for Nationalist bands. For my part, I'd just been released from prison in May after serving a six-month sentence under the Race Relations Act for editing the Young National Front newspaper, Bulldog. Immediately upon my release I got back involved with the Nationalist scene and, in particular, I was very keen to re-activate Rock Against Communism.
Rock Against Communism had lain dormant since , which was the date of the last R. In the three years from then until spring of I had become increasingly frustrated by the stranglehold which the Marxist left seemed to have on the music industry. Imagine my excitement then when I heard that Skrewdriver were 'back with a bang' in London. By this time Skrewdriver were already including the songs White Power and Smash The IRA in their live set - another factor that doubtless didn't ingratiate them with the music press!
Talking of the music press, every effort was made to make the band pay for refusing to toe the multi-racialist line. The press put pressure on both the venues Skrewdriver played regularly but, as Ian Stuart recalls, they met, at first at least, with very limited success: "All that the owners of the clubs could see was that they were getting a lot of people in, there was no trouble and they were making lots of money so why should they ban us? Then, in the summer of , there was a fight at the Club between followers of Skrewdriver and those of rival pseudo-skin band, Infa Riot, who had made their name playing Rock Against Racism gigs.
This was the signal for the press to renew their hate campaign, blaming all the trouble on Skrewdriver and exonerating Infa Riot even though it was their roadies who started it. However, the knockout blow came when the music papers gave the Club an ultimatum that they either ban Skrewdriver or else the club would not be allowed to advertise any of their events in the press. The Club caved in under the financial pressure and banned Skrewdriver. The media then switched their hate-filled gaze to Skunx in Islington and gave the manager there the same ultimatum.
However, much to their annoyance, Skunx were unprepared to ban Skrewdriver who were, by then, their biggest crowd-pullers. In the end though pressure by the police forced Skunx to close down altogether. This, therefore, was the situation that Skrewdriver found themselves in towards the end of The screws or should that be skrews!? Skrewdriver, however, had other ideas. During the autumn of the relationship between Skrewdriver and myself bore fruit in two different directions, both of which forced the music media to realise that Skrewdriver weren't so much dead and buried, as they'd hoped, but very much alive and kicking!
The first kick in the teeth for the musical establishment was the staging of a highly successful Rock Against Communism concert in Stratford, East London - the first for more than three years and easily the biggest.
Skrewdriver headlined and proved their pulling power by attracting more than five hundred people. They were ably supported by the Ovaltinees, who brought out the excellent British Justice e.
A month later, at about the same time as the Ovaltinees were releasing British Justice, Skrewdriver released the White Power e.
This was the second kick in the teeth for the musical establishment, not only because of the overt racialism of the title track but because it was the first release on Britain's first and only Nationalist record label - White Noise Records. Although the three tracks on the White Power e. For instance, whereas he derided Boots And Braces as 'a very basic tune and boring to play', he describes the title track of the White Power e.
The lyrics, for me, apart from Tomorrow Belongs To Me, mean more than any other song we've ever done. It's such a stark statement. It's there. It's very direct. However, although Ian enthuses over White Power's lyrics, he is less happy with the overall production on the e.
It's a very weak mix. Later on, as he gained more knowledge and experience, the quality of his production improved by leaps and bounds. Another factor in the poor production, as Ian Stuart is quick to point out, was the fact that Mark Sutherland's studio was, at that time, only four-track.
It's not a brilliant tune, but it's quite catchy. The words mirror the stance of the Party I was a member of at the time. One senses, when speaking to Ian Stuart about this e. This being so, I find I must beg to differ with him yet again. In fact, it rates as one of my all time favourite Skrewdriver songs, being fast, furious and, as Ian readily concedes, fun!
Although it is doubtful that Mary Whitehouse would approve As far as White Power and Smash The IRA are concerned, they remain firm favourites among Skrewdriver's following, in spite of the handicap of being poorly produced and the even bigger handicap of my appearance on these two tracks as 'guest vocalist'. Unfortunately, I feel doomed to go down in the annals of rock history as the only man who makes the voice of Lee Marvin - he of Wanderin' Star fame - sound like Elvis Presley!
Nevertheless in spite of the appearance of Joe the Croak on backing vocals , Skrewdriver's first release on White Noise Records sold enormously well. After years of 'anti-racism' and Black Power, a new phenomenon had emerged triumphantly and defiantly on the music scene - White Power! In the months following the release of White Power, Skrewdriver beat the ban on playing live imposed by the music establishment by playing a series of ever more successful Rock Against Communism concerts.
These were held all over London and attracted ever larger audiences. The success of Rock Against Communism led to more bands being prepared to speak out against Marxism and multi-racialism. Thus Skrewdriver were supported by various other skinhead bands, such as Peter and the Wolves, the Die-Hards and the ever-popular Brutal Attack.
Rock Against Communism, it seemed, was continuing to go from strength to strength. The initial success of the re-activated Rock Against Communism movement received a further boost with the release of Skrewdriver's second record on White Noise.
Voice Of Britain was released in the autumn of and, for once, I am in total agreement with Ian Stuart in his assessment of both sides of this release: "The mixing was an improvement on White Power and I think the tunes were as well.
It's quite a good single. In my subjective judgement Voice Of Britain coupled with Sick Society on the flip side, represents the best Skrewdriver single to date. This being so, Ian's reference to it as 'quite a good single' appears something of an understatement. Lyrically, Voice Of Britain is much the same as many other Skrewdriver songs, lamenting the decline of Britain and longing for the long-overdue renaissance of the British people and the White race.
However, its real strength lies in its instant and insistent catchiness, its sing-along tune and its unforgettable chorus. Neither do I mean this in any derogatory sense. I'd even go so far as to suggest that, had it not been for the band's politics, Voice Of Britain could have catapulted Skrewdriver into the national charts.
The flip side, Sick Society, on the other hand, derives its strength not from its tune but from its words. It isn't as catchy or commercial as Voice Of Britain yet, if anything, I prefer this side to the 'a' side. It is, in fact a modern-day folk song, regardless of its rock format, and would sound as impressive and moving if sung slowly with acoustic guitar and backing. Sick Society was inspired by the murder of Albert Mariner in May Ian Stuart explains: "Albert Mariner, who was a pensioner from East London and a National Front member, attended a legal election meeting in Tottenham.
The meeting was attacked by a mob of Blacks, who were wound up by the Labour Party, including the mayor, and they bricked the Nationalist demonstrators. One brick hit Mr. Mariner on the head and he died early the next morning in hospital. The authorities refused to hold and inquiry and said he died of natural causes, which, of course, is absolute rubbish. The song is about his life, and his death, and about why they refused to hold an inquiry.
Now I'll make a promise to your memory, Albert Mariner, We'll keep on fighting, until we win, Yes, we'll never forget you. Besides serving as a constant reminder of the sacrifice of Albert Mariner, Sick Society has served as an inspiration to countless Nationalists who gain enormous strength from its moving message.
Neither is this inspiration confined to British Nationalists since the lyrics of Sick Society have also been published in foreign Nationalist journals such as The Spotlight in America. Voice Of Britain followed its predecessor, White Power, as a success in terms of both sales and popularity. Most important, it made the music establishment realise that they had failed dismally in the attempts to ban Skrewdriver out of existence and proved emphatically that an avowedly Nationalist band could succeed without the backing of communist music journalists or capitalist record companies.
Turnout at these gigs, recounts Ian Stuart, "was going up and up. Basically when we were playing the Club we were getting crowds of three to four hundred and it was packed, but our crowds were going up to above five hundred by this time.
News of Rock Against Communism was passed on by word of mouth along the skinhead grapevine, yet this alone, without any outside advertising, was enough to ensure increasing turnouts. The smears, and later the silent treatment, of the music media had failed dismally. The Skrewdriver cult was spreading like wildfire! The full track-listing was The Return Of St.
Above all, This Is White Noise demonstrated decidedly that an increasing number of good bands were rallying to the Rock Against Communism banner. The most powerful track, and arguably the best on the e. We will support whatever political methods are necessary to attain that end.
Under the party's Strasserite leadership during the s, the NF adopted a radically different position on governance, influenced heavily by the Third International Theory propounded by Libya's leader Muammar Gaddafi in The Green Book. During the s the Front was British unionist , advocating for the unity of the United Kingdom.
During the s, the Front claimed to be neither capitalist nor socialist ,  advocating an economic system drawing on both. After the Strasserite faction took control of the party in the s, it adopted distributist policies, maintaining the emphasis on an economic system neither capitalist nor socialist. The NF adopted a strong anti-permissive and anti-liberal stance,  claiming that what it perceived as the growing permissiveness of British society was orchestrated by the Jewish conspiracy.
The party is anti-feminist ,  and highly critical of changes to traditional gender roles:  Spearhead stated that the NF saw "the feminine role as principally one of wife, mother and home maker". In the s, the NF claimed that the teaching profession was full of "communists",  and stated that under an NF government all teachers deemed unsuitable would be fired. The Front exalted self-sufficiency, asserting that the individual should be willing to serve the state and that citizens' rights should be subordinate to their duties.
Rapes, muggings, and even murder". In its s heyday, the National Front was headed by its directorate, a body of seven to twenty party members. The NF's local presence divided into "groups", which had under twelve members, and "branches", which had over twelve.
Supporter organisations were established among white communities of British descent elsewhere in the world; in New Zealand in and in Australia, Canada, and South Africa in The Front was preoccupied with security. The Front claimed that its members only resorted to violence in self-defence. An NF meeting at central London's Conway Hall resulted in clashes between the NF, anti-fascists, and police stationed to keep the peace; 54 demonstrators were arrested, many were injured, and one anti-fascist, Kevin Gateley , was killed.
There have also been actions carried out by right-wing extremists where covert NF involvement was suspected but not proven. The local NF branch denied knowledge of the incident or the individuals in question.
Again, the NF denied responsibility. The NF promoted its cause through various sub-groups and organisations. The NF observed how the left mobilised anti-fascist support through musical ventures like Rock Against Racism , and decided to employ similar techniques.
There was regional variation in the levels of support that the NF received during the s, reflected both in the share of the vote it gained and the size and number of its branches. The National Front was not open about its finances,  but often stressed that it was short of funds and required more money to finance its operations.
The NF faced a high turnover in its membership. Members pour in and pour out. The Front refused to officially disclose the number of members that it had. No adequate sociological sampling of NF members took place, but interviews with members were carried out during the s by Taylor, Fielding, and Billig. Fielding found that NF members were sensitive to ideas that they were "fascistic" or "cranky", instead thinking of themselves as "patriots" or "nationalists", but that they were not accepting of the term "racist".
Fielding believed that some of the membership were "motivated by a search for community and reassurance in a world they find difficult to understand". During the s, the NF consistently attempted to attract youth, forming sub-groups to attract them.
The NF's electoral support was overwhelmingly urban and English, with little support in rural parts of England or in Wales, Scotland, and Northern Ireland. Examining the party's East End support in greater depth, the sociologist Christopher T. Husbands argued that NF support was not evenly distributed across the region, but was constrained to the two or three square miles containing Bethnal Green , Shoreditch , Hoxton , and Haggerston.
A number mocked the Front, although were cautious about doing so publicly, fearing violent retaliation. Various explanations for the NF's s electoral growth held that it was impacted by the levels of non-white immigration into an area. One argument was that areas with large non-white immigrant communities were most susceptible to NF support; according to this view, the higher the non-white population, the higher the resentment among local whites and the greater the support for the NF.
An alternate explanation is that the NF did particularly well in areas where the non-white population was moderately sized rather than large; according to this, local whites turned to the NF because they were fearful that the area's non-white population would grow larger, particularly if neighbouring areas already had large non-white populations.
On examining voting data from the Greater London Council election, the political scientist Paul Whiteley argued that the NF's vote share was best explained by the "working-class authoritarianism" phenomenon examined in the United States by S.
He argued that this led many working-class English people to create personal identities based on their neighbourhood rather than their profession, leaving many more susceptible to far-right appeals based on location rather than leftist ones based on workplace solidarity.
The National Front experienced its greatest success from about to This questioned the long-held assumption that the UK electorate, unlike those of continental Europe, was "immune" to far-right appeals. In the NF contested three by-elections, gaining 5. Although performing better in local elections than in general ones,  the NF never won a seat on a local council.
Its 91 GLC candidates gained , votes, over twice the total that the party had accrued in the whole of England in One possibility is that growing electoral support represented how growing numbers of working-class Londoners were turning to the NF as the party of protest against the Labour government's failure to stem urban decay.
In March , the NF gained its first elected representative in 35 years after John Gamble—a local councillor representing Brinsworth and Catcliffe on Rotherham Metropolitan Borough Council —defected to them. In December he was removed from the council for failure to attend its meetings in six months, and faced disciplinary proceedings for allegedly abusing staff.
The NF obtained a small number of representatives on parish councils and community councils. Knowles failed to complete the necessary paperwork or turn up to any council meetings, and in September was ejected from the council.
By the latter s, the National Front was "the principal electoral force on the extreme right in Britain",  and in Fielding noted that the NF "dominated" Britain's "extreme Right". The party also proved influential in shaping new far-right subcultures; Shaffer stated that by cultivating the early white power skinhead music scene, the NF created a "cultural project" through which "neo-fascists introduced their ideology through music instead of political campaigning", helping to build the international community of white power music fans.
During the NF's s heyday, the mainstream media only occasionally paid it attention, thus contributing to its image as part of the political fringe. The NF's existence outraged both the political left and the political establishment. In , the National Union of Students adopted a "no platform" policy regarding the NF,  while the Labour Party forbade its candidates to share public platforms, radio, or television slots with NF candidates.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Redirected from UK National Front. British far-right white nationalist political party. Street dight Built up, knocked down Boots and braces Lower the Bang Blood and Honour Strikeforce Our Pride is our Loyalty Voice of Britain When the boat comes in Smash the IRA Tomorrow belongs to me Free my land I don't like you White Power, part 2 turbo password: rac-forum.
Said Thanks: Too many to display. A case of Pride After the fire God of thunder Johnny joined the Klan Pride of Nation Prisoner of peace Stand proud The strong survive The warrior's song White Power turbo password: rac-forum.
Where's it gonna end Back street kids Gotha be young I don't need your love An-ti-so-cial Akup Tyga. Why Oh Why Rico Nasty.
Love Every Time Suzy Bogguss. Street Flash Animal Collective. Round and Round New Order. Disco Bunny Blueboy. Blame It on You Poison. We need you! Help build the largest human-edited lyrics collection on the web! Add Lyrics. Michael J. One Day. Hidden City Flyer Ticke…. David Gagne.I’ve talked about Skrewdriver before, but as a refresher, they were a 70s punk band that dressed like skinheads and released a couple of singles and one album of normal, generic, but still pretty catchy punk rock before their singer, Ian Stuart, continued to use the name with a whole new set of backing musicians and reinvented them as a white.